We use the Hill and MacRae (1995) Efficiency – Substitution – Redesign[1] framework to help identify solutions.  This framework serves as both a guide to action, and an indicator of progress.   In this framework, Stage 1 strategies involve making minor changes to existing practices to help create an environment somewhat more conducive to the desired change. The changes would generally fit within current policy making activities, and would be the fastest to implement. However, change strategists must be careful not to choose strategies at this stage that reinforce existing problems.

Second stage strategies focus on the replacement of one practice, characteristic or process by another, or the development of a parallel practice or process in opposition to one identified as inadequate.  At the substitution phase are new organizational arrangements, the substitution of processes and practices, and consistent with Geels (2011), alternative / niche activity introduced of the dominant flow of change. What  instruments might move firms from efficiency measures to this stage? At this stage, advocates must be careful not to install infrastructure that will not be used at the redesign stage.

Finally, third stage strategies are based fully on the principles of the ecologies, particularly agroecology, organizational ecology, political ecology and social ecology, and are fully elaborated to address complexity (the earlier stages benefit from an understanding of complexity, but are not in themselves necessarily complex to execute).  They take longer to implement and demand fundamental changes in the use of human and physical resources. This final, or redesign stage, is unlikely to be achieved, however, until the first two stages have been attempted. Ideally, strategies should be selected from the first two stages for their ability to inform analysts about redesign (the most underdeveloped stage at this point) and to contribute toward a smooth evolution to the redesign stage.

A presumption of this framework, then, is that policy change in the Canadian food system is largely evolutionary.  It is more a long-term reformist approach, with the dominant structures  adapting progressively to policy pressures, ultimately leading to a profound redesign of the food system. The redesign stage, thus, is visionary but presumes progressive layers of transition leading to its realization.  We assume that there are no changes to the Canadian constitution and this limits what and how redesign efforts can be brought to bear[2].  As highlighted in MacRae and Winfield (2016), the Canadian constitution is a significant brake on food system innovation and we account for that in these proposals.


[1] Note that there are many transition frameworks, see MacRae and Winfield (2016) for a review pertinent to food policy themes
[2] Although there have been amendments to federal-provincial powers in earlier periods prior to patriation of the Constitution, since 1982, because of the amendment formulas, amendment debates have been fractious and the types of amendments that would be pertinent to those discussion, largely unsuccessful.